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Ciudad de Nueva York reduce a 60.000 la población de inmigrantes en los albergues

inmigrantes
EFE/ Ángel Colmenares

Nueva York.- La población de inmigrantes en los refugios de la ciudad de Nueva York, que han estado llegando en los últimos dos años, se ha reducido a unos 60.000 como resultado de la política de limitar su estadía a 30 días para solteros y a 60 para familias, dijo hoy el alcalde Eric Adams.

«Ya no estamos en situación de emergencia», afirmó Adams, que en octubre del 2022 declaró una emergencia calificando de «insostenible» el flujo de miles de migrantes y la demanda sobre la ciudad para proveer vivienda, alimentos, escuelas y otra ayudas.

«Gracias a programas como ese (limitar estadía) y a los servicios de apoyo, hemos podido reducir la población de migrantes de 220.000 (en su momento álgido) a unos 60.000», indicó Adams, que ha criticado a la Administración del saliente presidente demócrata Joe Biden por no conceder el dinero que la ciudad reclamó para afrontar la crisis humanitaria y económica que causó la llegada de miles de personas.

Con la administración entrante del presidente electo Donald Trump, asegura que su función como alcalde significa que habrá que «trabajar con ella».

«Lo que he dejado claro es que me he comunicado con el presidente entrante. Mi trabajo no es luchar contra la nueva administración, sino trabajar con ella. Y todas las conversaciones que he tenido con él han girado en torno a la forma de cumplir con Nueva York», reiteró durante una entrevista con la plataforma «The Reset Talk Show». .

Dos días después de las elecciones del 5 de noviembre Adams indicó que había llamado a Trump «para decirle que hay muchos problemas aquí en la ciudad que queremos abordar junto con la administración», pero no especificó qué problemas o si hablaron de las deportaciones masivas que el ahora presidente electo prometió durante su campaña electoral.

«Pagamos 6.400 millones de dólares de los contribuyentes para hacer frente a la crisis de los migrantes y los solicitantes de asilo. El gobierno federal sólo nos ha dado unos 200 millones de dólares. Eso es realmente lamentable y preocupante para mí y para muchos contribuyentes de la ciudad», indicó al reiterar hoy las críticas.

Adams agregó que cualquier conversación que tiene con el presidente entrante «es sobre cómo podemos ayudar a los neoyorquinos y cómo puedo trabajar con su administración para asegurarme de que la ciudad pueda seguir avanzando».

«Lamentablemente, hice 10 viajes a Washington bajo la actual administración pidiendo ayuda, y no la obtuvimos. Ahora tenemos una nueva administración y voy a seguir pidiéndole que nos ayude con los problemas de infraestructura, cómo recuperamos parte del dinero, cómo aseguramos nuestras fronteras y elaboramos una estrategia real para lidiar con quienes ingresan al país, para que puedan perseguir el sueño americano y no sean una carga para ciudades como Nueva York, Chicago y Denver», señaló.

«Creo en la ciudad y quienquiera que ocupe el cargo (presidencia), le mostraré el nivel de respeto que conlleva y no me quedaré sentado en una esquina haciendo pucheros durante cuatro años sin hacer nada por nuestra ciudad», sostuvo.

Jason Kelce’s wife announces she is pregnant with the couple’s fourth child

Kelce's
Jason Kelce and wife Kylie watch the women's field hockey match between the Argentina and United States, at the Yves-du-Manoir Stadium, at the 2024 Summer Olympics, Saturday, July 27, 2024, in Colombes, France. (AP Photo/Anjum Naveed, File)

Former Philadelphia Eagles center Jason Kelce’s wife announced Friday that she’s pregnant with the couple’s fourth child.

Kylie Kelce posted a photo on Instagram of the couple’s three young daughters reacting to the news. The oldest daughter, Wyatt, appears to be cupping her head in shock. The middle daughter, Elliotte, is smiling. The youngest, Bennett, is in tears. All three girls are wearing pink sweaters embroidered with “Big Sister.”

A caption attached to the photo reads: “I feel like we captured a very accurate representation of how each of the girls feel about getting another sister. At least Ellie, mom and dad are on the same page!”

The couple’s agent, Emily Ries, confirmed the pregnancy on Saturday.

Jason Kelce played 13 years with the Eagles before retiring this past March. He was named to the Pro Bowl seven times during his career. He appeared with the Eagles in Super Bowl LVII against the Kansas City Chiefs and his brother, Chiefs tight end Travis Kelce. The Chiefs ultimately defeated the Eagles 38-35.

Travis Kelce is dating pop superstar Taylor Swift.

Kylie Kelce’s post had garnered more than a million likes as of Saturday morning.

Pennsylvania governor taps federal highway aid to help Philadelphia transit system

Philadelphia
Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro speaks during a news conference in Philadelphia, Tuesday, July 30, 2024. (AP Photo/Matt Rourke, File)

HARRISBURG, Pa.— Gov. Josh Shapiro said Friday that he will divert more than $150 million in federal highway funding to provide a one-time injection of cash to help Philadelphia’s mass transit system avoid near-term service cutbacks and fare increases.

Shapiro’s announcement drew blowback from Republican lawmakers, who say their districts will lose money, and comes as many transit agencies are in a severe financial crunch

Federal COVID-19 relief for transit agencies is phasing out and the Southeastern Pennsylvania Transportation Authority and other major transit agencies around the country are struggling to regain ridership lost during the pandemic.

Shapiro, a Democrat, said the $153 million can help SEPTA maintain services and avoid steeper fare increases in hopes that he can come to an agreement on a wider transportation funding deal with state lawmakers by next summer.

But, he said, while mass transit agencies across Pennsylvania are struggling, SEPTA wasn’t going to make it to next summer without dramatically raising prices and significant cuts in services.

“I’m here to tell you, we can’t let that happen,” Shapiro told an audience of local and state officials at a news conference at a SEPTA transit station in northeast Philadelphia.

Shapiro also said Philadelphia and its four suburban counties had agreed to boost their contribution to SEPTA.

Shapiro said it is critical that SEPTA maintain services for everyday commuters and ahead of major tourism attractions, including events connected to the nation’s 250th anniversary celebration in 2026, the FIFA World Cup and Major League Baseball’s all-star game.

SEPTA’s board on Thursday approved an average fare increase of 7.5%, but the agency said the federal highway funding will allow it to hold off on a planned 21% increase scheduled for Jan. 1 and reconsider service cuts targeted to begin next summer.

The nation’s sixth-largest mass transit system, SEPTA is facing an annual structural budget deficit of $240 million.

SEPTA had characterized the need for fare increases and service cutbacks as a “death spiral,” while the region’s boosters and representatives had said the cutbacks would damage the local economy.

The service cuts were planned to take effect July 1 and were to include eliminating and shortening routes, and reducing the frequency of bus, trolley, subway, and Regional Rail service.

Shapiro said the federal highway dollars had been slated for seven projects — on Interstate 95 in Philadelphia and I-80 in Columbia County, I-79 in Mercer County, I-80 in Jefferson County, I-70 in Washington County and and I-83 in York County — that have not been bid out yet and that he pledged to still get done on time.

Diverting highway funds is allowable under federal law. Former Gov. Ed Rendell did it in 2005 and 2010 to help transit agencies, while shifting the money is routine in some other states.

Earlier this year, SEPTA lost out on about $161 million when the Republican-controlled state Senate didn’t go along with Shapiro’s proposal for $283 million in new state aid to public transit. Instead, lawmakers approved a one-time $80 million payment to the state trust fund for transit systems, of which SEPTA got $46 million.

Republican lawmakers have said that Shapiro must come up new money to pay for more transit aid and that extra transit aid must come packaged with more money for highway projects that will benefit the rest of Pennsylvania.

On Friday, Shapiro blamed the Senate’s Republican majority, saying he agreed to their demands but that “the Senate was never able to get it done.”

Republicans bristled at Shapiro’s characterization, suggested that SEPTA has structural problems that it must fix and criticized his move to divert highway money from Republican-represented areas of Pennsylvania.

“The action by the governor today will do nothing but harm millions of hard-working Pennsylvanians by depriving their areas of critical infrastructure,” Senate Majority Leader Joe Pittman, R-Indiana, said in a statement.

The Democratic-controlled House of Representatives passed Shapiro’s plan last March.

Impunity and violence against women in a divided America

violencia

Over the past decade, political polarization in the United States has deepened, taking on increasingly radical dimensions. Racial, political, gender and religious prejudices—among others—contribute to a parallel reality where no one truly wins, and everyone stands to lose significantly.

When these prejudices manifest as rejection or xenophobia toward those perceived as threats, the resulting reactions are often so visceral and aggressive that they spark a spiral of violence, harm, and criminal acts. This cycle invariably leads society toward chaos, with the weakest groups bearing the brunt of attacks on their dignity and constitutionally guaranteed rights.

One of the most affected groups is women, who face vulnerabilities in family, social, workplace, and political spheres.

Today, the cycle of domestic violence continues to harm thousands of women physically and sexually, with many also losing their lives. According to the World Population Observatory, in Pennsylvania alone, 4,351 women have been sexually assaulted so far in 2024—34 per 100,000 residents. Meanwhile, the National Sexual Violence Resource Center (NSVRC) reports that one in five women nationwide has experienced rape or attempted rape during her lifetime.

A pressing question arises: will Donald Trump’s recent victory exacerbate this dire situation? His dismissive comments about the seriousness of sexual assault, coupled with statements like, “I’ll take care of them, even if they don’t want me to,” raise legitimate concerns given his history.

Psychotherapist Harriet Fraad recently reflected on the liberation of women from traditional roles as housewives dependent on their husbands. She argues that this shift has left many men grappling with deep insecurity, fueling toxic, possessive, and often aggressive behaviors toward women who were once seen as private property.

With undertones of fanaticism and cult-like behavior, there is a discernible connection between misogyny, xenophobia, and other MAGA-driven phobias. Democratic Representative James Talarico of Texas, a rare dissenting voice among white evangelicals, highlights how Christian nationalism and the religious right played a pivotal role in Trump’s election. He criticizes the portrayal of Trump as divinely ordained, likening it to “Talibanizing” Christianity—weaponizing faith for political gain, delegitimizing opponents, and cloaking Trump in an unearned messianic mandate. Talarico warns of the potential for fascism in such a government.

Among Trump’s supporters are ordinary citizens driven by misinformation, but also numerous extremist groups with supremacist leanings. Emboldened by the victory of someone they feel represents them, these groups have marched under swastika-emblazoned flags, as seen recently in Ohio, Michigan and suburban Philadelphia.

Adding to this toxic environment are phone messages targeting racialized minorities and the widespread threats of sexual violence against students on social media—both of which have reached alarming levels.

This escalating situation demands coordinated, decisive responses to curb violence and protect victims.

The disturbing scenario should inspire those who truly love this country—especially Christians—to rise above and combat these violent outbreaks and hateful messages. Efforts must focus on rebuilding the social fabric of a nation that, through clouded judgment or corrupted principles, has elected Trump—a man found guilty of sexual abuse among other crimes. This outcome has left the world stunned and deeply concerned.

Democrat Bob Casey concedes to Republican David McCormick in Pennsylvania Senate contest

Bob Casey
Sen. Bob Casey, D-Pa., left, stops to speak to members of the media before voting, Tuesday, Nov. 5, 2024, in Scranton, Pa. (Photo: AP/Matt Rourke)

HARRISBURG, Pa. — Democratic Sen. Bob Casey of Pennsylvania conceded his reelection bid to Republican David McCormick on Thursday, as a statewide recount showed no signs of closing the gap and his campaign suffered blows in court in its effort to get favorable ballots counted.

Casey’s concession comes more than two weeks after Election Day, as a grindingly slow ballot-counting process became a spectacle of hours-long election board meetings, social media outrage, lawsuits and accusations that some county officials were openly flouting the law.

Republicans had been claiming that Democrats were trying to steal McCormick’s seat by counting “illegal votes.” Casey’s campaign had accused of Republicans of trying to block enough legitimate votes to prevent him from pulling ahead and winning.

In a statement, Casey, a stalwart of Pennsylvania’s Democratic establishment and the state’s longest serving Democrat ever in the Senate, said he had just called McCormick to congratulate him.

“As the first count of ballots is completed, Pennsylvanians can move forward with the knowledge that their voices were heard, whether their vote was the first to be counted or the last,» Casey said.

Casey’s campaign said the last of the ballots cast before polls closed on Nov. 5’s Election Day had finally been counted Thursday.

The Associated Press called the race for McCormick on Nov. 7, concluding that not enough ballots remained to be counted in areas Casey was winning for him to take the lead.

As of Thursday, McCormick led by about 16,000 votes out of almost 7 million ballots counted.

That was well within the 0.5% margin threshold to trigger an automatic statewide recount under Pennsylvania law.

But no election official expected a recount to change more than a couple hundred votes or so, and Pennsylvania’s highest court dealt Casey a blow when it refused entreaties to allow counties to count mail-in ballots that lacked a correct handwritten date on the return envelope.

Casey in the meantime had won efforts to get counties to tabulate thousands of provisional ballots that might otherwise have been thrown out because of an error by an election worker. That included voters whose registrations hadn’t been properly processed, the campaign said.

But the campaign lost other efforts to get counties to count ballots that were disqualified over garden-variety errors that voters made, like not signing a provisional ballot in two places or not putting the ballot into an inner “secrecy” envelope.

Republicans will have a 53-47 majority next year in the U.S. Senate.

McCormick, 59, recaptured a GOP seat in Pennsylvania after Republicans lost one in 2022, paying off a bet that party brass made when they urged McCormick to run and consolidated support behind him. It was McCormick’s second time running, after he lost narrowly to Dr. Mehmet Oz in 2022’s GOP primary.

McCormick, the former CEO of the world’s largest hedge fund, drew on tens of millions of dollars in campaign cash from allies from across the worlds of hedge funds and securities trading to help make the race the nation’s second-most expensive in the campaign cycle.

Beyond evangelicals, Trump and his allies courted smaller faith groups, from the Amish to Chabad

Trump
Members of the Amish community, Samuel Stoltzfus and his wife Lillian Stoltzfus, vote at a polling center at the Garden Spot Village retirement community in New Holland, Pa., Tuesday, Nov. 5, 2024. (Photo: AP/Luis Andres Henao)

A social-media tribute to Coptic Christians. A billboard in Amish country. A visit to a revered Jewish gravesite.

While Donald Trump’s lock on the white evangelical vote is legendary, he and his campaign allies also wooed smaller religious groups, far from the mainstream.

As it turned out, Trump won by decisive margins, but his campaign aggressively courted niche communities with the understanding that every vote could be critical, particularly in swing states.

Voter surveys such as exit polls, which canvass broad swaths of the electorate, aren’t able to gauge the impact of such microtargeting, but some backers say the effort was worth it.

Just one week before the election, Trump directed a post on the social-media platform X to Coptic Christians in the United States —- whose church has ancient roots in Egypt. He saluted their “Steadfast Faith in God, Perseverance through Centuries of Persecution and Love for this Great Country.”

“This was the first time seeing a major U.S. presidential candidate address the community in this manner,” said Mariam Wahba, a Coptic Christian and research analyst with the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, a Washington-based research institute. “It was really a profound moment.”

She said many Copts share the conservative social views of other Christian groups in the Republican constituency, and they may already have been Trump supporters. But the posting reinforced those bonds. Coptic bishops sent the president-elect congratulations after his victory and cited their “shared social and family values.”

Some Assyrian Christians — another faith group with Middle Eastern roots — similarly bonded with Trump, whose mispronunciation of “Assyrian” at a rally created a viral video moment and drew attention to their support.

Sam Darmo, a Phoenix real estate agent and co-founder of Assyrians for Trump, said many community members cited the economy, illegal immigration and other prominent voter issues. They echoed other conservative Christians’ concerns, he said, on issues such as abortion, gender identity and religious expression in public. But he said Trump supported various Middle Eastern Christians recovering from the Islamic State group’s oppressive rule.

Darmo also credited Massad Boulos, father-in-law to Trump’s daughter Tiffany, for mobilizing various Middle Eastern Christian groups, including Chaldean Catholics, and other voters, particularly in Michigan, such as Muslims.

“He brought all these minority groups together,» he said. “We’re hoping to continue that relationship.”

But members of Middle Eastern-rooted Christian groups, and their politics, are far from monolithic, said Marcus Zacharia, founder of Progressive Copts, a program of Informed Immigrants, an organization that promotes dialogue on sensitive topics among such groups in the United States and Canada.

He said many younger community members question Trump’s stances on issues such as immigration, and sense that conservatives sometimes tokenize them by focusing on the plight of persecuted Christians in the Middle East while neglecting wider issues of repression in countries there that the U.S. supports.

He said there needs to be more informed dialogue across the political divide in these communities. “There is no more high time than these next four years to have that way of conducting conversations,” he said.

Courting the Amish

Republicans also made an aggressive push for Amish voters, particularly in the swing state of Pennsylvania, where they are most numerous at about 92,000 (many below voting age).

The GOP has made similar efforts in the past, even though researchers have found that less than 10% of them typically vote, due to their separatism from society. But Republicans used billboards, mailers, ads and door-to-door campaigner to drive turnout in Lancaster County, home base to the nation’s largest Amish settlement.

On Election Day, Amish voters Samuel Stoltzfus and his wife Lillian Stoltzfus said they were supporting Trump, citing their anti-abortion beliefs.

“We basically look at it as murder,” Stoltzfus, 31, said outside a polling center in the Lancaster County community of New Holland, where dozens of other members of the local Amish community voted. Trump has wavered on the issue, dismaying some abortion opponents, though many have said Republicans still align more closely to their views.

Stolzfus added: “Make America great again and keep the moral values,” he said. “Let’s go back to the roots.”

Steven Nolt, a history professor at Elizabethtown College in Lancaster College who studies the Amish and their voting patterns, said that while it’s too early to say definitively without further research, he doesn’t see evidence of a larger turnout this year.

Lancaster County as a whole — most of which is not Amish — is a GOP stronghold that Trump won handily, though both parties’ votes edged up from 2020, according to unofficial results posted by the Pennsylvania Department of State.

Trump’s biggest increases were in urban or suburban areas with few Amish, while some areas with larger Amish populations generally saw a modest increase in the Trump vote, said Nolt, director of the college’s Young Center for Anabaptist and Pietist Studies.

“Bottom line, percentage-wise, not much change in the parts of Lancaster County where the Amish live,” he said.

Paying respects at a Chabad grave

Trump directly reached out to members of the Chabad Lubavitch movement, a prominent and highly observant branch of Orthodox Judaism.

On Oct. 7, the anniversary of the Hamas attack on Israel that triggered the Gaza war, Trump made a symbolically resonant visit to the “Ohel,” the burial site of the movement’s revered late leader, Rabbi Menachem M. Schneerson.

Wearing a yarmulke, the traditional Jewish skullcap, Trump, who has Jewish family members, brought a written prayer to the Ohel and laid a small stone at the grave in keeping with tradition. The site in New York City, while particularly central to Chabad adherents, draws an array of Jewish and other visitors, including politicians.

About two-thirds of Jewish voters overall supported Trump’s opponent, Democrat Kamala Harris, according to AP VoteCast, a survey of more than 120,000 voters. But the Trump campaign has made a particular outreach to Orthodox Jews, citing issues including his policies toward Israel in his first administration.

Rabbi Yitzchok Minkowitz of Chabad Lubavitch of Southwest Florida said it was moving for him to see images of Trump’s visit.

“The mere fact that he made a huge effort, obviously it was important to him,” he said.

Quisieron enterrarnos

“Quisieron enterrarnos, pero se les olvidó que somos semillas»

Esta poderosa cita, a menudo atribuida a las luchas de las comunidades marginadas, tiene su origen en el poeta griego Dinos Christianopoulos, que fue marginado por la comunidad literaria en la década de 1970 por ser gay.

El movimiento de derechos humanos, como semillas esparcidas por todo el mundo, resurgirá. Romperemos el hormigón: hormigón y acero reforzados con mentiras, odio y miedo. Muhammad Ali nos recordó que lo que realmente importa no es cuántas veces nos derriban, sino cuántas veces nos levantamos de nuevo.

Tuve el honor de almorzar con el Campeón en 1988 en la Conferencia Nacional de Alcaldes Negros en Atlantic City, un momento que nunca olvidaré.

Hace años, visité a un joven que luchaba contra la adicción en un centro de tratamiento en Nuevo México. Yo era el único visitante que tenía que no era un miembro de la familia. Casi dos décadas después, me lo encontré en una manifestación en conmemoración de los llamados disturbios de los Zoot Suit en Los Ángeles, más precisamente, una serie de ataques racistas por parte de personal militar contra la comunidad mexicano-estadounidense.

Mientras hablábamos, reflexionó sobre su camino para salir de la adicción. “Leno, no sabes lo que es tocar fondo”, dijo. Le respondí: “Yo también he pasado por eso. He enfrentado la pérdida de seres queridos, el desamor, el desempleo y los oscuros y peligrosos callejones de la desesperación. Una vez, el fondo se derrumbó bajo mis pies, hundiéndome aún más en la desesperanza. Pero tuve suerte: otros me tendieron la mano, vieron mi mano extendida y me ayudaron a encontrar la luz nuevamente”.

Estamos entrando en días difíciles. Necesitaremos ser inteligentes, estratégicos y resilientes. Todos los días, seremos puestos a prueba en un país donde los irracionales están al mando del barco de una de las grandes democracias del mundo.

Recuerdo las muchas luchas que he presenciado, desde Chile hasta Argentina, China, Sudáfrica, Estonia, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Guatemala, Uganda y México. Viví en Nicaragua durante los últimos nueve meses de la dictadura de Somoza. He visto el dolor de los jóvenes dañados por la guerra de Vietnam, que regresaban a casa solo para enfrentarse al odio. He visto al FBI atacar los movimientos civiles y de derechos humanos. No olvidemos los linchamientos del pasado, a menudo justificados por una interpretación distorsionada de la Biblia.

En Chile y Argentina, quienes fueron detenidos bajo regímenes brutales se mantuvieron fuertes, aferrándose a la esperanza incluso mientras enfrentaban la tortura y la muerte. Se preguntaban, a altas horas de la noche, quién de ellos sería el siguiente. Sin embargo, nunca se dieron por vencidos, y nosotros tampoco podemos.

Hace unos días, conduje 14 horas ida y vuelta para visitar a la familia de un hombre asesinado por un ranchero racista cerca de Nogales. En ese viaje, noté las reglas de la carretera: carriles, límites de velocidad, barandillas y advertencias de curvas peligrosas. Sin embargo, hoy en día, quienes están en el poder a menudo rompen no solo las reglas de tránsito, sino también la ética misma de la vida.

Ganar no siempre significa tener razón o ser justo. Nuestro gobierno ha adoptado leyes y políticas injustas en el pasado; algunas tardaron décadas en revertirse.

Quiero que sepan que estoy comprometida a cuidarme mejor. Quiero correr con ustedes hacia un futuro lleno de lo que es correcto y justo.

Todo lo que necesitamos es un poco de agua, bendecida por el amor y la esperanza, para ayudarnos a abrirnos paso una vez más. Entonces, ocuparemos nuestro lugar legítimo en el sol, la luna y la lluvia. Los vientos de las cuatro direcciones llevarán adelante nuestras oraciones, nuestros tambores, nuestras canciones y cánticos por la libertad y la justicia, para todos, en todas partes.

Trump’s sexual behavior sparks concerns about crime perception

Trump

Despite a longstanding pattern of sexual abuse accusations spanning several decades, Donald Trump has managed to survive these legal and social battles and thrive politically. His ability to maintain a strong base of support, despite these claims, raises important questions about our collective response to sexual misconduct in the political arena and what it means for the future of American leadership.

A long history of accusations

The first major public glimpse into Trump’s behavior came in 2005, when an «Access Hollywood» tape surfaced, showing him bragging about sexually assaulting women. The recording, which came to light during the 2016 presidential campaign, was a moment of reckoning. It depicted Trump dismissing women as mere objects, speaking crudely about grabbing them “by the pussy,” and showing a complete disregard for basic decency. In any other context, such revelations might have ended a political career. Yet, for Trump, it barely registered as a speed bump in his rise to the White House.

Following the tape, several women came forward with accusations, ranging from harassment to outright assault, spanning decades. Since 2016, nearly two dozen women have come forward with allegations, spanning incidents over four decades. Jessica Leeds recounted a 1970s encounter where Trump groped her on a plane, describing him as “like an octopus.” Ivana Trump, his first wife, accused him of rape in a 1989 divorce deposition. Other women have alleged assaults in nightclubs, at Trump’s properties, and during his ownership of the Miss USA and Miss Teen USA pageants. Stacey Williams reported being groped by Trump in 1993 at Trump Tower, an encounter she alleged occurred during a meeting arranged by Jeffrey Epstein.

Several Miss Teen USA contestants accused Trump of walking into dressing rooms unannounced, a claim Trump himself appeared to confirm during a 2005 radio interview, describing how he would enter backstage at pageants. E. Jean Carroll’s allegation of rape in 1996 resulted in a 2023 civil trial, where Trump was found liable for sexual abuse and defamation, awarding Carroll $5 million. Others, including Temple Taggart, Amy Dorris, and Natasha Stoynoff, reported various forms of unwanted advances.

Allegations continued through his campaign years: former model Summer Zervos and former campaign staffer Alva Johnson each recounted Trump’s unwelcome advances during his presidential campaigns. Altogether, the stories illustrate a consistent pattern that the former president has denied, yet one that has profoundly impacted public discourse on power, politics, and personal accountability.

Yet, Trump’s defense was unwavering: He denied all accusations, often labeling his accusers as liars, opportunists, or politically motivated.

The larger question here is not just one of legal guilt or innocence—Trump has famously managed to avoid criminal charges in many cases—but why these accusations failed to dent his political fortune. The answer could lie in a combination of factors: his personal brand, his ability to frame himself as the victim of a political witch hunt, and the apathy of his supporters toward the allegations.

The legal and political fallout

The 2023 civil trial victory for E. Jean Carroll, where a jury found Trump liable for sexual abuse and defamation, brought the allegations back into the spotlight. Yet, even this verdict did not seem to hinder his political ambitions. He denied the court’s findings, appealing to his base by framing the legal system as rigged against him. The political landscape is one where accusations of sexual misconduct do not necessarily equate to political downfall. They often have the opposite effect: They solidify a sense of injustice among Trump’s supporters, who view his resistance to accountability as proof of his outsider status, and contradictorily his supporters even laugh at his vulgar behavior, days before the election, simulating oral sex with a microphone in front of the crowd.

Moreover, the accusations extend beyond Trump himself. His inner circle has also been embroiled in scandal. Figures like Rudy Giuliani, Corey Lewandowski, and others associated with Trump have faced their accusations of harassment and misconduct. Yet, in Trump’s world, these individuals are often portrayed as martyrs to the cause, persecuted for their loyalty to the president.

Trump’s ability to evade consequences that might befall others highlights a broader trend in American politics: the increasingly blurred lines between personal morality and political legitimacy.

Controversial nominations: Gaetz, Hegseth, Kennedy amid sexual scandals.

At least three of President-elect Donald Trump’s high-profile picks to join his Cabinet have faced serious allegations of sexual impropriety.

El representante republicano Matt Gaetz en el Congreso en Washington el 22 de septiembre del 2023. (Foto AP/J. Scott Applewhite)

Matt Gaetz resigned from Congress last week following Trump’s nomination to serve in his administration. His resignation prevents the release of the House Ethics Committee’s dossier on allegations of sexual misconduct, including accusations that he paid a 17-year-old girl for sex. On Thursday, Gaetz withdrew as Trump’s pick for Attorney General, averting a confirmation battle in the Senate fallout over a federal sex trafficking investigation.

ARCHIVO – Pete Hegseth camina hacia un elevador para reunirse con el presidente electo Donald Trump en la Torre Trump de Nueva York, el 15 de diciembre de 2016. (AP Foto/Evan Vucci, Archivo)

President-elect Donald Trump’s nominee for Secretary of Defense, the Fox News host Pete Hegseth, In addition to being questioned about his ideas that could be considered supremacist and misogynistic, a police report reveals assault allegations against him. Tim Palatore, Hegseth’s attorney, has said a woman was paid an undisclosed sum in 2023 as part of a confidential settlement to head off the threat of what he described as a baseless lawsuit.

Vanity Fair published a lengthy profile of Trump’s selection for health and human services secretary, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., that included a conversation with one of his family’s former nannies, who said he groped her. Asked about the allegation on a podcast this summer, Kennedy brushed it aside, saying: “I am not a church boy.”

The public’s response

What is most troubling about Trump’s ongoing political resilience is the willingness of his supporters to overlook or even embrace his problematic past. While some may genuinely believe in his policies or leadership style, there is an undeniable contingent that seems to dismiss the accusations as mere “left-wing attacks” or as a sign of his defiance against the political establishment. This dynamic speaks to the deeper dysfunction in American political discourse, where partisan loyalty often trumps basic ethical considerations.

Trump’s ability to weather these storms is not simply a testament to his personal charisma or political savvy; it is also a reflection of a broader culture that has long tolerated—and, at times, even excused—sexual misconduct by powerful men. In a system where power and influence are concentrated in the hands of a few, sexual abuse allegations can become just another distraction. For many of Trump’s supporters, the allegations are simply part of the “deep state” conspiracy against him.

A legacy of denial

Trump’s approach to sexual misconduct is emblematic of a broader societal issue: the normalization of predatory behavior by men in power. Throughout his life, Trump has denied, deflected, and minimized the impact of these allegations. In doing so, he has become a symbol of the power imbalance that allows such behavior to flourish without consequence. His supporters are complicit in this narrative, choosing to turn a blind eye to the damage caused by his actions in favor of a political agenda that aligns with their values.

The implications of this reality go beyond Trump himself. They reveal a systemic failure to hold powerful individuals accountable for their actions. The normalization of sexual misconduct, especially in the political arena, sends a dangerous message to future generations: that those who hold power are above the law, and that the victims of such abuse do not deserve justice. Now they will have a president who has been found guilty of sexual abuse, something that will be especially painful for those who have been sexually assaulted.

La conducta sexual de Trump genera preocupación sobre la percepción del crimen

Trump

A pesar de un patrón de acusaciones de abuso sexual, que se remonta a varias décadas, Donald Trump ha logrado sobrevivir a estas batallas legales y sociales y prosperar políticamente. Su capacidad para mantener una base sólida de apoyo, a pesar de estas acusaciones, plantea preguntas importantes sobre nuestra respuesta colectiva a la conducta sexual inapropiada en el ámbito político y lo que significa para el futuro del liderazgo estadounidense.

Una larga historia de acusaciones

El primer vistazo público importante sobre el comportamiento de Trump se produjo en 2005, cuando apareció una cinta de “Access Hollywood” en la que se lo veía alardeando de agredir sexualmente a mujeres. La grabación, que salió a la luz durante la campaña presidencial de 2016, fue un momento de ajuste de cuentas. Mostraba a Trump desestimando a las mujeres como meros objetos, hablando crudamente sobre agarrarlas en sus partes íntimas, y mostrando un total desprecio por la decencia básica. En cualquier otro contexto, tales revelaciones podrían haber puesto fin a una carrera política. Sin embargo, para Trump, apenas se registró como un obstáculo en su ascenso a la Casa Blanca.

Después de la grabación, varias mujeres presentaron acusaciones, que iban desde acoso hasta la violación sexual. Desde 2016, casi dos docenas de mujeres han presentado denuncias contra Trump, que abarcan incidentes a lo largo de cuatro décadas. Jessica Leeds contó un encuentro en la década de 1970 en el que Trump la manoseó en un avión, y lo describió como “como un pulpo”. Ivana Trump, su primera esposa, lo acusó de violación en una declaración de divorcio de 1989. Otras mujeres han denunciado agresiones en clubes nocturnos, en las propiedades de Trump y cuando era dueño de Miss USA y Miss Teen USA, Stacey Williams informó que Trump la manoseó en 1993 en la Torre Trump, un encuentro que, según ella, ocurrió durante una reunión organizada por Jeffrey Epstein.

Varias concursantes de Miss Teen USA acusaron a Trump de entrar a los camerinos sin anunciarse, una afirmación que el propio Trump pareció confirmar durante una entrevista de radio en 2005, en la que describió cómo entraba tras bambalinas en los concursos. La acusación de abuso sexual por haber penetrado a E. Jean Carroll en 1996 sin su consentimiento, dio lugar a un juicio civil en 2023, en el que Trump fue declarado responsable de abuso sexual y difamación, y en el que se le concedió a Carroll 5 millones de dólares. Otras, entre ellas Temple Taggart, Amy Dorris y Natasha Stoynoff, denunciaron diversas formas de acoso.

Las acusaciones continuaron durante sus años de campaña: la exmodelo Summer Zervos y la exmiembro de la campaña Alva Johnson, relataron el acoso durante sus campañas presidenciales. En conjunto, las historias ilustran un patrón constante que el expresidente ha negado, pero que ha afectado profundamente el discurso público sobre el poder, la política y la responsabilidad personal. Sin embargo, la defensa de Trump fue inquebrantable: negó todas las acusaciones, y a menudo calificó a sus acusadores de mentirosos, oportunistas o motivados políticamente.

La cuestión más importante aquí no es solo la de la culpabilidad o inocencia legal (Trump ha logrado evitar cargos penales en muchos casos), sino por qué estas acusaciones no lograron mermar su capital político. La respuesta podría estar en una combinación de factores: su marca personal, su capacidad para presentarse como víctima de una cacería de brujas política y la apatía de sus partidarios hacia las acusaciones.

Las consecuencias legales y políticas

La victoria en el juicio civil de 2023 para E. Jean Carroll, donde un jurado encontró a Trump responsable de abuso sexual y difamación, volvió a poner las acusaciones en el centro de atención. Sin embargo, incluso este veredicto no pareció obstaculizar sus ambiciones políticas. Negó las conclusiones del tribunal, apelando a su base al presentar el sistema legal como amañado en su contra. En el panorama político, las acusaciones de mala conducta sexual no necesariamente equivalen a una caída política. A menudo tienen el efecto contrario: consolidan una sensación de injusticia entre los partidarios de Trump, que ven su resistencia a rendir cuentas como una prueba de su condición de outsider, y contradictoriamente sus incondicionales se ríen de su comportamiento vulgar, de días antes de la elección, simulando sexo oral con un micrófono ante la multitud.

Además, las acusaciones van más allá del propio Trump. Su círculo íntimo también se ha visto envuelto en escándalos. Figuras como Rudy Giuliani, Corey Lewandowski y otros asociados con Trump han enfrentado acusaciones de acoso y mala conducta. Sin embargo, en el mundo de Trump, a estos individuos a menudo se los retrata como mártires de la causa, perseguidos por su lealtad al presidente.

La capacidad de Trump para evadir las consecuencias que podrían afectar a otros pone de relieve una tendencia más amplia en la política estadounidense: las líneas cada vez más difusas entre la moralidad personal y la legitimidad política.

Nominaciones polémicas: Gaetz, Hegseth, Kennedy en medio de escándalos sexuales

Al menos 4 de los candidatos de alto perfil del presidente electo Donald Trump para unirse a su gabinete han enfrentado graves acusaciones de conducta sexual inapropiada.

Elon Musk, CEO de Tesla y SpaceX, fue acusado de conducta sexual inapropiada por una azafata contratada por SpaceX que trabajó en su jet privado en 2016. En un informe divulgado en 2022 por Business Insider se indica que SpaceX pagó a la mujer 250,000 dólares como indemnización en 2018, a cambio de que ella acordara no presentar una demanda sobre su acusación que asegura fue falsa.

El director general de Tesla y SpaceX, Elon Musk, y el expresidente Donald Trump durante un evento de campaña, el 5 de octubre de 2024, en Butler, Pensilvania. (AP Foto/Alex Brandon, File)

Matt Gaetz renunció al Congreso la semana pasada luego de la nominación de Trump para servir en su administración. Su renuncia inhibe la publicación del expediente del Comité de Ética de la Cámara sobre las acusaciones de conducta sexual inapropiada, incluidas las acusaciones de que pagó reiteradamente a una adolescente de 17 años por sexo. El jueves, Gaetz se retiró como el candidato de Trump para fiscal general, evitando una batalla de confirmación en el Senado por las consecuencias de una investigación federal de tráfico sexual.

El representante republicano Matt Gaetz en el Congreso en Washington el 22 de septiembre del 2023. (Foto AP/J. Scott Applewhite)

El candidato del presidente electo Donald Trump para secretario de Defensa, el presentador de Fox News Pete Hegseth, Además de ser interrogado sobre sus ideas que podrían considerarse supremacistas y misóginas, un informe policial revela acusaciones de agresión en su contra. Tim Palatore, el abogado de Hegseth, ha dicho que a una mujer se le pagó una suma no revelada en 2023 como parte de un acuerdo confidencial para evitar la amenaza de lo que describió como una demanda infundada.

ARCHIVO – Pete Hegseth camina hacia un elevador para reunirse con el presidente electo Donald Trump en la Torre Trump de Nueva York, el 15 de diciembre de 2016. (AP Foto/Evan Vucci, Archivo)

Vanity Fair publicó un extenso perfil de Robert F. Kennedy Jr., el candidato elegido por Trump para ocupar el cargo de secretario de Salud y Servicios Humanos, que incluía una conversación con una de las ex niñeras de su familia, quien dijo que el candidato la había manoseado. Cuando se le preguntó sobre la acusación en un podcast este verano, Kennedy la descartó y dijo: “No soy un chico de iglesia”.

Robert F. Kennedy Jr. habla durante un mitin de campaña para el presidente electo Donald Trump el 1 de noviembre en Warren, Michigan. (Foto: AP)

La respuesta de la población

Lo más preocupante de la capacidad de resistencia política de Trump es la disposición de sus partidarios a pasar por alto o incluso aceptar su problemático pasado. Si bien algunos pueden creer genuinamente en sus políticas o estilo de liderazgo, hay un contingente innegable que parece desestimar las acusaciones como meros “ataques de izquierda” o como una señal de su desafío contra al grupo de poder político. Esta dinámica habla de la disfunción más profunda del discurso estadounidense, donde la lealtad partidaria a menudo triunfa sobre las consideraciones éticas básicas.

La capacidad de Trump para capear estas tormentas no es simplemente un testimonio de su carisma personal o su astucia política; también es un reflejo de una cultura más amplia que ha tolerado durante mucho tiempo (y, a veces, incluso excusado) la mala conducta sexual por parte de hombres poderosos. En un sistema donde el poder y la influencia están concentrados en manos de unos pocos, las acusaciones de abuso sexual pueden convertirse en una distracción más. Para muchos de los partidarios de Trump, las acusaciones son simplemente parte de la conspiración del “estado profundo” en su contra.

Un legado de negación

La actitud de Trump ante la mala conducta sexual es emblemática de un problema social más amplio: la normalización de la conducta depredadora por parte de los hombres en el poder. A lo largo de su vida, Trump ha negado, desviado y minimizado el impacto de estas acusaciones. Al hacerlo, se ha convertido en un símbolo del desequilibrio de poder que permite que ese comportamiento florezca sin consecuencias. Sus partidarios son cómplices de esta narrativa, ya que optan por hacer la vista gorda ante el daño causado por sus acciones en favor de una agenda política que se alinea con sus valores.

Las implicaciones de esta realidad van más allá del propio Trump. Revelan un fracaso sistémico a la hora de exigir responsabilidades a los individuos poderosos por sus acciones. La normalización de la mala conducta sexual, especialmente en el ámbito político, envía un mensaje peligroso a las generaciones futuras: que quienes ostentan el poder están por encima de la ley y que las víctimas de ese abuso no merecen justicia, y ahora tendrán un presidente que ha sido hallado culpable de abuso sexual, algo que especialmente para quienes han sido asaltadas sexualmente, será especialmente doloroso.

Unas escuelas en Filadelfia están abarrotadas y otras carecen de matricula

escuelas

Las escuelas del noreste de Filadelfia se enfrentan a una crisis de hacinamiento abrumadora que está llevando los recursos al límite y obstaculizando la calidad de la educación. Mientras que otras partes de la ciudad luchan contra la falta de matrícula, las escuelas aquí han excedido sus capacidades edilicias, con estudiantes aprendiendo en pasillos, armarios reutilizados y otros espacios no convencionales.

Según un informe de The Philadelphia Inquirer, los directores de la región están dando la voz de alarma sobre la situación, que ha dejado a las escuelas sin poder atender a sus estudiantes adecuadamente. “No podemos atender a nuestros estudiantes”, dijo Mickey Komins, director de la escuela primaria Anne Frank, que alberga a 1.630 estudiantes en un edificio diseñado para 1.360. “No voy a endulzarlo: no podemos atender a nuestros estudiantes”.

La presión viene por los nuevos llegados

El aumento de la población en el noreste de Filadelfia se atribuye en gran medida a la inmigración. Angelique Leizerowicz-Taylor, directora de la escuela primaria Fox Chase, reveló que su escuela inscribe a nuevos estudiantes casi a diario, muchos de los cuales son estudiantes de inglés. Solo la semana pasada, Fox Chase registró a nueve nuevos estudiantes que requieren apoyo especializado en el idioma.

La escuela primaria Anne Frank refleja esta tendencia, con 700 estudiantes clasificados actualmente como estudiantes de inglés. Si bien los educadores dan la bienvenida a los recién llegados, el espacio y los recursos inadecuados hacen que sea casi imposible satisfacer sus necesidades. «Les damos la bienvenida, los amamos, nos preocupamos por ellos, pero no podemos atenderlos si tenemos que enviarlos a otra escuela», dijo Komins a The Inquirer.

En la escuela Baldi hay 1548 estudiantes actualmente inscritos, la escuela excede su capacidad en más de 400. La directora Bianca Gillis señaló que se espera que sus instituciones de origen envíen 638 estudiantes de sexto grado el próximo otoño, aunque el edificio solo tiene espacio para 525, incluso con los remolques agregados recientemente. “Recibimos estudiantes todas las semanas”, dijo Gillis. “Estamos todos abarrotados”.

La escuela primaria Loesche, construida para 930 estudiantes, ahora alberga a 1.300. Esto ha obligado a los maestros a compartir aulas, creando clases de enseñanza conjunta con casi 50 estudiantes. Los maestros especialistas, incluidos los instructores de arte y ciencias, trabajan desde carritos, ya que no hay aulas dedicadas disponibles. “No hay sala de arte, no hay espacio para dispersarse”, dijo la subdirectora Marilynn Szarka.

Programas de educación especial bajo presión

El hacinamiento afecta desproporcionadamente a los programas de educación especial. En la escuela primaria J. Hampton Moore, el director Timothy Glynn describió el uso de un armario para acomodar una clase de apoyo autista de seis a ocho estudiantes, mientras que otra clase ha aumentado a 14, un desafío significativo dada la atención especializada que requieren estos estudiantes.

“Realmente estamos sobrepasando la capacidad, de arriba a abajo, geográficamente, hasta el punto en que no conozco otra solución que construir más escuelas”, dijo Glynn a The Inquirer. A pesar de la apertura en 2021 de la Northeast Community Propel Academy, ya está sobrepasada su capacidad máxima.

Algunas soluciones propuestas

El Distrito Escolar de Filadelfia está desarrollando un plan maestro de instalaciones que probablemente conducirá al cierre de escuelas, nuevas construcciones y ubicaciones conjuntas. Sin embargo, estas soluciones llevarán años. Durante una sesión pública, el superintendente adjunto interino Oz Hill reconoció la gravedad del problema y afirmó que incluso con una financiación sustancial, el Distrito no puede brindar un alivio inmediato.

La activista comunitaria Gail Clouden sugirió transportar a los estudiantes en autobús a las escuelas con poca matrícula en el oeste de Filadelfia y otras áreas. “Ponga [a los estudiantes] en el autobús y haga que vengan a las escuelas que están medio llenas”, dijo Clouden.

Hill aseguró a los participantes que se están considerando todas las opciones, pero enfatizó las limitaciones del distrito. “Incluso con $10 mil millones, no podría responder lo suficientemente rápido para aliviar las presiones que están experimentando”, dijo Hill a The Inquirer.